Showing posts with label TWU. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TWU. Show all posts

Thursday, 31 December 2015

2015 Roundup: What a Year it's Been


There are, needless to say, an enormous number of stories and cases that come out in a given year. I don't intend to even attempt to give a thorough or fulsome "year in review" here, but I would like to revisit some of the things I've posted about in 2015.

Essential Services Legislation

In labour law, the year started off with a bang when the Supreme Court released Mounted Police Association of Ontario v. Canada (Attorney General) (which declared that workers have a right to join an independent union), Meredith v. Canada (Attorney-General) (which upheld a government-imposed rollback on wage increases for RCMP officers), and Saskatchewan Federation of Labour v. Saskatchewan (which recognized that workers have a constitutional right to strike and struck down Saskatchewan's essential services law). It's still not clear what impact these cases will have in the long term, though Alberta, at least, engaged in consultation on a new essential services law in October, to bring its law in line with the standards set out in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour.

The Saskatchewan government also introduced amendments to The Public Service Essential Services Act (the Act which had been struck down in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour) which have since been passed by the Legislature (though the new legislation isn't yet in effect). The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour seems to approve of the new law. A summary by employer-side law firm Macpherson Leslie & Tyerman is here; union-side lawyer Greg Fingas discusses the new law here. Perhaps the best summary, though, is this tweet from Eric Adams at the University of Alberta:




That said, MPAO, Meredith, and Saskatchewan Federation of Labour were really just completing the legal journey that began in 2007 with the B.C. Health Services case, and B.C. Health Services, while undoubtedly significant, didn't send Canadian labour relations flying arse-over-teakettle. But unions are undoubtedly more assertive in challenging labour legislation in court; unions in Nova Scotia, for instance, will be launching a Charter challenge against the recently-passed Bill 148, The Public Services Sustainability (2015) Act, which restricts, among other things, wage increases in the public sector. We can expect further challenges to labour legislation, but I suspect (as I've said before) that the overall impact of the 2015 cases will be relatively modest.

Alberta: Bill 6

2015 ended with a bang, too, with much furor (including, apparently, death threats aimed at Premier Rachel Notley) over Alberta's Bill 6, The Enhanced Protection for Farm and Ranch Workers Act, which extends to paid farm workers similar protections as other workers under workplace legislation: occupational health & safety, workers' compensation, labour relations, and labour standards. Bill 6 recently received royal assent on December 11, 2015, but with the significant amendment that the new protections found in Bill 6 will no longer apply to family members or unpaid workers.

(As an aside, I posted a while back about Bill 6 and that post got some traffic from a forum where people were discussing the Bill. The question of OH&S and WCB coverage for farm workers in Saskatchewan came up. Someone kindly posted a link to this blog as a source of information, but with the comment that "...but it's not very clear." A  humbling reminder.)

You said it, inspiremybusiness.com.au.
 
As the Alberta Government's website states:

Who’s affected

Alberta farm and ranch producers with paid employees who are not the owner or related to the owner will be affected by Bill 6.

This means that family members can continue to contribute to farming operations as they always have, and neighbours can still volunteer to help each other out
Still, paid farm workers in Alberta will now probably have the most extensive protections of any jurisdiction in the country. (Though this will still be subject to regulations - which might limit the application of some provisions on farms.) As I mentioned back in November, in Saskatchewan we don't have mandatory WCB coverage for farms, nor are farm workers entitled to many labour standards. Ontario farm workers (including fruit pickers) can't unionize effectively under the misleadingly-titled Agricultural Employees' Protection Act. So it will be interesting to see how Bill 6 develops in 2016 as the Alberta government crafts its regulations.


Federally: Bill C-377 and Bill C-525

Federally, the new Liberal government has blocked, and has promised to repeal, the intrusive (and likely unconstitutional) Bill C-377, which would have required unions to disclose publically (not just to their members) employee salaries, donations to political and social causes, contracts with businesses or other organizations, amounts spent on legal fees and strike support...the list goes on. Bill C-377 was, like the Conservatives' pointless fight over niqabs at citizenship ceremonies, a mean-spirited jab at people and groups that the Conservatives seemed to feel were good political targets. And like the niqab ban, it had effectively no practical value beyond, I suppose, rallying the Conservative base. Professor Adams, again, suggested that the legislation ran afoul of the division of powers between the federal and provincial governments (it's ostensibly a tax measure - federal jurisdiction - but intrudes into the regulation of all unions regardless of jurisdiction); others have suggested that it will undermine solicitor-client privilege (since unions would have to disclose legal fees and, likely, legal representation), infringe upon the privacy of union employees and those dealing with unions, and violate the Charter protections of freedom of association and freedom of expression. Prof. David Doorey pointed out that it singled out unions for greater and more detailed financial disclosure (and, again, public disclosure) than other organizations such as charities. Bill C-377 is a bloody mess, legally, practically, and constitutionally, and should have died the usual ignominious death of a private member's bill. Thankfully, it's on the way out.

Bill C-525, which would have made it harder to unionize (and easier to decertify, i.e. de-unionize) for employees under federal jurisdiction, is also on the chopping block.

Locally: Saskatoon Transit

But in Saskatoon, the dramatic labour dispute between city transit workers and the City of Saskatoon (said dispute being the impetus to start this here blog) ended the year not with a bang, but with (kind of) a whimper: the City of Saskatoon and Amalgamated Transit Workers Union, Local 615, came to an agreement on the compensation owed to the workers who had been illegally locked out. But they still haven't agreed on a contract.

And on a non-labour-related note:

Trinity Western University

Meanwhile, Trinity Western University's quest for a law school continues. In January, the Nova Scotia Supreme Court declared that the Nova Scotia Barristers' Society could not deny accreditation to graduates of a TWU law school. That decision is currently under appeal. Then, in July, the Ontario Divisional Court upheld the Law Society of Upper Canada's decision not to approve accreditation for any law school at TWU unless and until TWU revokes its "Community Covenant" (at least as far as law students would be concerned). That's currently under appeal, too.

Then, a couple of weeks ago, the B.C. Supreme Court quashed the decision of the Law Society of B.C. to refuse accreditation to TWU law grads. No word yet from the Law Society on whether it will appeal.

Regardless, it seems likely that TWU's journey will be to the Supreme Court - again - especially if the various Courts of Appeal come to contradictory conclusions.

And that's it! A brief and limited, but hopefully interesting, year roundup. I didn't get a chance to use Anti-Union Ogre in this post, sadly, so I'll have to settle for this.

Saturday, 31 January 2015

What a Week (or so) it's Been: SCC, TWU, and YXE

The last couple of weeks have seen some significant developments on a number of legal fronts.

On January 16, the Supreme Court released its decision in Mounted Police Association of Ontario v. Canada (Attorney General), which granted members of the RCMP the right to have an independent union and, in so doing, reaffirmed that collective bargaining is a constitutional right. On the same day the SCC also released the Meredith decision (Meredith v. Canada (Attorney-General)), another case dealing with the Mounties, where the Court ruled that a unilateral wage rollback by the federal Treasury Board didn't "substantially interfere" with the collective bargaining rights of RCMP members.

I'll admit I got this one completely wrong. Meredith seemed a closer analogue to the 2007 B.C. Health Services case, where the B.C. Liberal government unilaterally changed union bargaining units, changed pay rates and other terms and conditions of employment, and generally disregarded bargained-for collective agreements. (This isn't unusual in B.C. by the way. The B.C. Liberal government has a real hate-on for organized labour, and in particular the B.C. Teachers' Federation, and as a result they've made some questionable decisions. The latest example was about a year ago, where the BCTF was awarded around two million dollars in damages against the B.C. government owing the government's contempt for the Federation and the courts.)

In B.C. Health Services, the Supreme Court declared that the changes made were unconstitutional - they violated the union members' right to collectively bargain, which is protected under s. 2(d) of our Charter of Rights and Freedoms - "freedom of association." So I think I can be forgiven for thinking that the Court would similarly declare the unilateral changes in Meredith also offended workers' freedom of association rights. But the Court didn't, and the B.C. government, by the way, argues that Meredith will help its appeal from the damages award mentioned above.

Meanwhile in Mounted Police Association, the Court expanded upon its interpretation of freedom of association and built upon B.C.Health Services. I didn't think the Court would go as far as it did because in the 2011 Fraser case, the Court had taken (I thought) a step back from B.C. Health Services. I figured the Mounties would win on the unilateral contract changes because of the B.C. Health Services precedent, and figured they'd lose in Mounted Police Association because the principles at play there were more fundamental to the basis of our labour laws - and Fraser had set the bar pretty low for what was needed to protect "collective bargaining". But as I say, my prediction was exactly wrong.

Beyond labour principles, Mounted Police Association also includes, as an almost "throw-away" line, a comment that the Charter protects both individual and collective rights. Whether courts will seize on this obiter comment remains to be seen, but the Court has been hesitant in the past to speak of collective rights; even freedom of association, by definition a right you can't exercise alone, is seen as the right of individuals to act collectively. So we'll see what happens there.

Meanwhile in Nova Scotia, Trinity Western University won a victory in court when the Nova Scotia Supreme Court said that the Nova Scotia Barrister's Society exceeded its jurisdiction in refusing to recognize TWU law degrees. The decision is framed quite narrowly, but it does cast the jurisdiction of Canada's Law Societies as very limited. It seems (according to the decision) that Nova Scotia's Barristers Society should restrict itself to assessing the competence of lawyers only - that the Society shouldn't apply any broader social concerns in making such decisions. As I discussed previously, I take some issue with that - I'm not sure that the court would have come to a similar decision if TWU's discriminatory policy had been based on race rather than sexual orientation - but we'll see what happens during the inevitable appeal.

And back home, the ATU and the City of Saskatoon were back in front of the Labour Relations Board to argue about changes to the pension plan. The Board ruled that the changes - which the City had implemented via bylaw during its illegal lockout of its transit workers - could remain, but that ATU members were exempted from the impact of those changes prior to October 3, 2014, when the City could have legally issued a lockout notice.

But of course the really big news on the labour front is also a Saskatchewan case. The Supreme Court issued its decision in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour v. Saskatchewan, and declared that s. 2(d) of the Charter protects the right of public employees to strike, thereby putting the final nail in the coffin of 1987's Labour Trilogy - three cases that, in my view, completely missed the mark. Good riddance to 'em. Indeed the Court in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour went so far as to declare that the right to strike is an integral and "irreducible minimum" component of collective bargaining. The Saskatchewan government's Public Service Essential Services Act was declared unconstitutional because it allowed public employers to unilaterally decide which employees were considered "essential" - by which it means they can't strike - without any recourse to, say, the Labour Relations Board or an arbitrator if the parties could not agree. And the government had cast its net quite widely - liquor store and casino workers, for instance, were declared "essential."

(I should note that the concept of "essential services" isn't always well understood. I've given presentations where some workers have been quite insulted not to be considered "essential". But of course in this context, being "essential" isn't really a compliment - all it means is you can't go on strike.)
 
In so doing the government was also  interfering with public sector employees' collective bargaining - because ultimately workers' bargaining power is based on their ability to "vote with their feet", i.e. strike - without recourse such as "binding arbitration" to resolve bargaining impasses. The Court made it clear that if a government is going to take away workers' right to strike, some alternate form of dispute resolution process must take its place.

This doesn't mean, I hasten to add, that a government can't declare certain services essential. Of course it can, and indeed there are a number - such as police, firefighters, and so on - that were considered essential services prior to the PSESA being passed. But the problem here - as was the case in B.C. Health Services - was that the government over-reached. Rather than trying to find a balanced approach to the essential services issue, the Saskatchewan Party let its dislike of the labour movement get the better of it and imposed a one-sided and unnecessarily broad piece of legislation.

As Professor David Doorey said on his blog, lawofwork.ca, the government brought this loss on themselves:

"In their haste to strip workers of the right to collective bargaining, they overreached, went far beyond what was necessary to protect the public interest to win some small points with their political base, to show that they are 'tough as nails against labour,' and that they could do whatever the hell they liked ..."
I'd tend to agree with Prof. Doorey's analysis - the PSESA had precious little to do with sound labour policy, or even with protecting the public - it was about scoring political points.

Also of interest in Saskatchewan Federation of Labour was the Court's denial of the appeal on the part of the Unions. At trial, Justice Ball of our Court of Queen's Bench had declared the PSESA unconstitutional, which was upheld by the SCC. But he'd also said that the government's changes to The Trade Union Act - now Part 6 of The Saskatchewan Employment Act - did not offend workers' freedom of association. These changes included expanding the ability of employers to communicate with workers who are trying to organize a union; a change from "card certification", where workers vote to certify a union by signing union cards, to "vote certification" where workers must sign cards and succeed in a secret ballot vote; and increasing the percentage of workers who must sign cards in order to get to that vote in the first place. The Supreme Court upheld Justice Ball's decision here, too; probably because finding those amendments unconstitutional would have impugned labour legislation across the country, and would have involved much more detailed Court oversight of labour leglislation.

So what does this mean? Well, obviously the Saskatchewan government now has to re-draft its essential services law to comply with the Court's ruling. But essential services across the country will be examined in detail, I'm sure - the Alberta Federation of Labour, for one, has its eyes on that province's essential services legislation with a view to a possible court challenge. Essential services legislation in health care in Nova Scotia, B.C., Newfoundland and Labrador, and in the federal public sector, may also face challenges. Ad hoc "return to work" legislation, where the government orders striking workers back to work, may be subject to challenges in future based on Saskatchewan Federation of Labour. I'm chewing over what impact this decision has an impact beyond the unionized public sector. I think that the implications will actually be relatively modest.

But really, what Saskatchewan Federation of Labour does - along with, to a lesser extent, Mounted Police Association - is reaffirm that governments should avoid ideological attacks on constitutional rights. Consultation, balance, and sound policy should be the approach.

As a final note, I was going to let this lie  but it set my teeth on edge something awful.

In no particular order:

1) The Supreme Court didn't over-rule essential services; it over-ruled an overly broad piece of legislation.

2) Unless the Saskatchewan government was taking steps to reduce Weston Dressler's bargaining power - which is what it did to public sector employees - the analogy really isn't apt.

3) The Supreme Court - or any court - wouldn't review Dressler's contract on constitutional grounds anyway because the Charter, as a general rule, doesn't apply without government action.


...Though Weston Dressler, like all the Riders, is a member of a union - the Canadian Football League Players Association - so perhaps we should be surprised that the government didn't try to declare the Roughrider players an "essential service", too, in its overly-broad PSESA.

Having performed my quota of Humourless Academic Analysis, I'll end it there.

Thursday, 11 December 2014

Trinity Western's Upcoming Court Challenges: Some Thoughts

[UPDATE: Mere hours after I posted this, the B.C. government revoked its consent for TWU's law school, citing uncertainty due to the refusals by various Law Societies to recognize TWU law degrees. This isn't the end of it; the province has stated that TWU can re-apply after the legal challenges are done, and we can probably expect a court challenge to the B.C. government's decision, too.]

It's been well over a month since my last post; between the end-of-term scramble, preparation of exams, trying to get an article written, preparation for next term, and so on, it hasn't been easy to get back to belabouring things. Oh, and this post is (yet again) one that does not deal specifically with labour law. I'll get back to The Saskatchewan Employment Act soon. Promise.

In a little less than a week, on December 16th, Trinity Western University ("TWU") is going to court in Nova Scotia to present its argument that the Nova Scotia Barrister's Society acted illegally in refusing to recognize law degrees granted by the university. That argument is going to be broadcast online; see the link above.

So here I am, wading into this issue. I don't pretend this post is a definitive or comprehensive answer to the debate, nor do I pretend to know what the courts will do with TWU's court challenges. But it's been in the news and I've been thinking a lot about it; so here we go.

(I'll note that there have been some recent employment law-related issues regarding TWU. One TWU graduate in B.C. received an offensive, anti-Christian response to a job application; that's clearly discriminatory on the part of the employer. Though that story gets even more bizarre, as it seems unclear whether the company in question even exists. That's nothing to do with the law school, though.)

TWU, you see, wants to open a law school, and since it announced its intentions in 2012 it's caused a debate within the legal community and elsewhere.

For those who haven't been following the debate, TWU describes itself as "Canada's leading Christian university," and TWU's version of Christianity doesn't hold with equal marriage or with sexual relations between people of the same sex. Gay people are welcome to attend, TWU assures us, so long as they're not actually in same-sex relationships or in same-sex marriages, despite the fact that same-sex marriages are now perfectly legal in Canada.

As an aside, keep in mind that while homophobia has a long and less-than-honourable tradition within Christianity (and indeed other religions), times are changing - faster than many of us anticipated. Maclean's magazine had as a headline that "Lawyers vote against Christian law school", and TWU certainly bills itself as "Canada's leading Christian university" but there are other voices within the Christian faith. The United Church of Canada allows its clergy to perform same-sex marriages. The Anglican Church of Canada allows same-sex relationships to be "blessed" though it does not seem to allow actual marriage between people of the same sex. 


As part of its interpretation of Christian doctrine, TWU requires that all students at TWU must sign a Community Covenant Agreement which includes the following:

"In keeping with biblical and TWU ideals, community members voluntarily abstain from the following actions:
  • communication that is destructive to TWU community life and inter–personal relationships, including gossip, slander, vulgar/obscene language, and prejudice
  • harassment or any form of verbal or physical intimidation, including hazing
  • lying, cheating, or other forms of dishonesty including plagiarism
  • stealing, misusing or destroying property belonging to others
  • sexual intimacy that violates the sacredness of marriage between a man and a woman
  • the use of materials that are degrading, dehumanizing, exploitive, hateful, or gratuitously violent, including, but not limited to pornography
  • drunkenness, under-age consumption of alcohol, the use or possession of illegal drugs, and the misuse or abuse of substances including prescribed drugs
  • the use or possession of alcohol on campus, or at any TWU sponsored event, and the use of tobacco on campus or at any TWU sponsored event."
Students can be subject to discipline if they breach the Covenant.

Of course it's the "sexual intimacy" clause that's the problem, especially now that same-sex marriage is legal in Canada. There's no question this policy is discriminatory.  Unmarried people are not to have sex, regardless of orientation; that's not a problem. Married opposite-sex couples can have sex; but married same-sex couples can't. And there's the rub.  


In addition, beyond the discriminatory distinction between different types of married couples, there's the general disapproval and condemnation of homosexual relationships. The Scriptural basis for the portion of the Covenant dealing with gay sexual relationships sounds pretty, well, extreme to modern ears. It's set out in a footnote in the full document - Romans 1:26-27.

Romans 1:26-27: "For this cause God gave them up unto vile affections: for even their women did change the natural use into that which is against nature:
And likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one toward another; men with men working that which is unseemly, and receiving in themselves that recompence of their error which was meet." (Text is taken from the King James Version, here.)
The Covenant is based on the idea that same-sex relationships are "vile"; "against nature"; a result of burning lust; "unseemly"; an "error" deserving of "recompence". More modern language (from the New International Version) is perhaps a bit less over-the-top but still pretty damning.

Because of this, God gave them over to shameful lusts. Even their women exchanged natural sexual relations for unnatural ones. In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another. Men committed shameful acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their error.
So, no longer "vile", but "shameful", "unnatural", worthy of "due penalty".

Because of its Covenant, TWU hasn't had an easy go of it, despite early preliminary approvals across the country. Several law societies in Canada have now refused to recognize law degrees from TWU. In April, the Law Society of British Columbia recognized Trinity Western's law degree. But in a referendum in October, the members of the Law Society (i.e. lawyers) voted 74% to reverse that decision. The Law Society subsequently ratified that vote, and recognition of a TWU law degree is now in doubt in its home province. The Nova Scotia Barrister's Society has voted to recognize TWU law degrees only if TWU exempts law students from the Covenant or amends the Covenant generally; that decision is the subject of the previously-mentioned court challenge. New Brunswick, like B.C., initially voted to recognize TWU degrees, but subsequently voted to reverse that decision and the NBLS Council will decide whether to confirm that reversal on January 9. TWU has launched another court challenge to a decision by the Law Society of Upper Canada (i.e. Ontario) refusing to recognize TWU Law degrees. Saskatchewan and Manitoba's Law Societies seem to have put their accreditation "on hold". Alberta's Law Society seems to have delegated its decision to the national Federation of Law Societies, which granted preliminary approval to TWU in December of 2013.

(Note that refusal by law societies to recognize a TWU law degree is distinct from B.C. allowing TWU to have a law school in the first place. Even if every Law Society in the country refuses to recognize a TWU law degree, people can still graduate from TWU Law with their Juris Doctor ("J.D.") degree. But if a provincial Law Society won't recognize those degrees, then these TWU graduates might need to seek additional training prior to being admitted to that province's Bar. Elaine Craig, a law professor at Dalhousie University in Halifax, has suggested that TWU law grads could pursue accreditation through the National Committee on Accreditation, which deals with accreditation of lawyers who got their law degrees outside of Canada or whose training is in civil law (like in Quebec) rather than common law (like in every other Canadian jurisdiction).)


As with so many issues, the Covenant is not as simple as it may seem at first blush. TWU points out that gay students will be welcome at the new law school, so long as they do not engage in sexual activity. Bryan Sandberg, a gay TWU student, writes about how he feels loved and accepted at TWU.  And TWU has its supporters - some reluctant, others less so. Anna Wong, a litigator in Ontario, wrote regarding Ontario's decision that
After much intellectual wrangling with my feminist values, I have come to conclude that as distasteful and discriminatory as the community covenant is, the LSUC’s decision appears equally distasteful and discriminatory in effect. By denying accreditation to Trinity Western, the law society categorically denies its graduates the chance to practise in Ontario because they decided to exercise their freedom of religion to live by their Christian ethos and attend a private Christian university that reflects those values as set out in the community covenant without giving them an opportunity to demonstrate they have the legal and ethical competency to provide legal services.
Now, I take some issue with Ms. Wong's comments; it seems to me that TWU law grads could apply for admission under an accreditation process, or (as the Nova Scotia Barrister's Society suggests  in its brief) seek admission on a case-by-case basis, depending on the rules of that province's Law Society. That's not a full answer to her concerns, of course, but it's something.

Professor Dwight Newman, one of my colleagues at the College, argued earlier this year that opponents of TWU Law are desperate to avoid diversity "in legal academic thought in Canada".

And I've seen a few comments circulating around the Internet suggesting that this is really about law schools not wanting another competitor entering the fray - another law school means more competition for articling positions and jobs for graduates of existing schools. I'll file that one as an overly cynical misunderstanding of the situation, as is suggesting - from the other side - that TWU's hard-line against homosexuality is actually all about fundraising.

I have to admit I'm profoundly uncomfortable with the Covenant. For me, just as with the debate over gay marriage generally, I keep coming back to this basic question: if the limitations on sex or marriage were based on race rather than sexual orientation, would we even be having this discussion?

Okay, hang on, I hear you saying. Did you just bring racism into this debate? Why not just talk about Hitler, apply Godwin's Law to the discussion, and be done with it?

Well, I raise it because, as I said, this is the point I have kept coming back to. It's not that long ago that mixed-race marriages were prohibited in numerous states in the U.S. (they weren't declared unconstitutional until 1967. And people found religious justification for U.S. aniti-miscegenation laws, too, a taste of which is summarized here. And lest you think it's a relic of the past, you can read a current version of Scriptural support for anti-miscegenation at faithandheritage.com. If you're really interested you can find the website - I'm not including a link because the website. while dressed up in scholarly and sympathetic language, is deeply racist, and I don't want to directly increase its traffic even in a small way.

If a university in Canada wanted to open a law school, but stated something like: "We accept and welcome students of all ethnicities, and those students may mingle socially. However, based on Scriptural and sociological reasons, students are expected to have romantic, marital, and/or sexual relationships only with students of the same ethnicity", there's just no way that would fly.

I honestly cannot think of a principled approach that would lead me to say that any university in Canada, regardless of whether it's a professional college or not, would be allowed to forbid its students from marrying outside their own race - whether or not that prohibition was based on Scripture or not.

And in terms of balancing Charter rights - here, equality rights under s. 15, and religious freedom under s. 2(a) - it seems to me that promoting acceptance (or preventing exclusion) of a historically excluded and persecuted minority should take precedence over the right to exclude based on freedom of religion. Neither right or freedom is absolute, but on balance, I'll err on the side of inclusion. And let's not forget that evangelical Christian students can already attend any law school in the country; another point to consider in the balancing of rights.

Now, that's my personal take on it. The legal situation's more complicated.

Why Precedent May Not Carry the Day

TWU had similar difficulties with its Education program. In the late 90's, the B.C. College of Teachers insisted that, in order to be admitted as teachers, TWU grads had to take additional training through Simon Fraser University.  TWU went to the Supreme Court of Canada and successfully challenged the B.C. College of Teachers' decision not to fully recognize TWU's education degree; Justice L'Heureux-Dube wrote a very strong dissent. The majority in the Supreme Court held that the BCCT's decision was unconstitutional - there was no evidence that TWU grads would discriminate against LGBT students, said the majority of the Court, and if they did, they would be subject to discipline, whether by their employer or by the College.

That's a pretty solid win for TWU, and given the ruling in the "Teachers Case", TWU's interim president can be forgiven for expressing surprise at the push-back against the law school.

But I think there are some differences here that may change the picture. The Teachers Case is definitely an important precedent for TWU, but it won't necessarily carry the day for them. Since 2001, the law has changed significantly in two spheres: recognition of same-sex marriage; and judicial review of decisions made by administrative tribunals. A third reason is that the reasons given by the Law Societies are not the same as those in the Teachers Case.

Prior to the vote in B.C., Thomas Berger, a prominent lawyer and former B.C. Supreme Court Justice, wrote a powerful comment on the "brooding conscience of the law", on the strong dissent by Justice L'Heureux-Dube in the Teachers Case, and why the result now, regarding TWU's law school, should be different than in 2001. In the article I mentioned earlier, Elaine Craig also notes the different legal context relating to the treatment of LGBT people in Canada.

First, and most importantly, in 1996 (when the BCCT made its initial decision) and in 2001 (when the SCC ruled on the Teachers Case), same-sex marriage had not yet been recognized in most of the country.

In 2004, the Supreme Court decided the Reference re Same-Sex Marriage case ([2004] 3 S.C.R. 698), which held that Parliament could extend the capacity to marry to same-sex couples. This decision came in the wake of lower court decisions in five provinces (including Ontario and Saskatchewan) and one territory, all of which had ruled that restricting marriage to heterosexual couples was discriminatory. In 2005, the Civil Marriage Act became law and same-sex marriages became legal across Canada. In the criminal law context, the Supreme Court has seemingly put a nail in the coffin of the "gay panic" defence in 2010 in R. v. Tran (which Craig mentions in her article), stating at para. 34 that "it would not be appropriate to ascribe to the ordinary person the characteristic of being homophobic if the accused were the recipient of a homosexual advance" - though some argue that this defence may still linger in some cases.

And here in Saskatchewan, our Court of Appeal has ruled that marriage commissioners cannot refuse to conduct marriages for same-sex couples. In another case originating in Saskatchewan, the Supreme Court in the recent Whatcott decision adopted Justice L'Heureux-Dube's dissent from the Teachers Case in stating that discriminating against same-sex sexual conduct can be a "proxy for attacks" on same-sex individuals themselves (p. 525).


Second, Law Societies, like the BCCT, are "administrative tribunals", and their decisions are subject to "judicial review" (I mentioned judicial review in passing in relation to the LRB regarding the transit lockout decision). But Law Societies may be held to a more forgiving standard. The BCCT, in deciding not to grant full certification to TWU education grads, was held to the standard of "correctness" - in other words, it was given no deference by the court. The Supreme Court stated (p. 804):

[The BCCT's] expertise does not qualify it to interpret the scope of human rights nor to reconcile competing rights. It cannot seriously be argued that the determination of good character, which is an individual matter, is sufficient to expand the jurisdiction of the BCCT to the evaluation of religious belief, freedom of association and the right to equality generally...The absence of a privative clause, the expertise of the BCCT, the nature of the decision and the statutory context all favour a correctness standard.
...The existence of discriminatory practices is based on the interpretation of the TWU documents and human rights values and principles. This is a question of law that is concerned with human rights and not essentially educational matters.
But the legal framework's changed, here, too.  Administrative tribunals now have not only the ability but a duty (R. v. Conway, [2010] 1 S.C.R. 765) to consider Charter remedies and factors - assuming the remedy is within the tribunal's power and jurisdiction in the first place. It may be arguable in this case whether the mandate of the Law Societies extends to considering Charter and discrimination issues, but there's no question the Courts' approach to administrative tribunals has changed since 2001.

There's also a decision ((Dore v. Barreau du Quebec, [2012] 1 S.C.R. 395) which held that the courts should take a more "flexible" approach in reviewing decisions by tribunals that relate to Charter issues. The Court in Dore did hold that administrative tribunals have to balance Charter values with their various statutory objectives or mandates - though Dore refers specifically to Charter applications relating to individual applicants. Again, a more deferential stance by the Courts. But, that said, those Law Societies who have refused to recognize TWU's law degrees may have a problem if it can be shown they didn't fully consider the Charter rights and freedoms at play here, though by all indications the discriminatory effect of the Covenant, on one hand, and freedom of religion, on the other, seem to have been considered by all of the Law Societies concerned.

There's also the fact that Law Societies involve, well, lawyers. The Supreme Court in the Teachers Case based its decision, in part, on the expertise of the BCCT. While TWU had argued that schoolteachers aren't qualified to adjudicate human rights issues (p. 802), the Court didn't go quite this far, but did hold that the BCCT as a body didn't have expertise on human rights issues (p. 804) and noted that the BCCT had asked for a legal opinion prior to making its decision. I suspect that this argument would be harder to make when dealing with Law Societies.

Third, and finally (whew!), the Law Societies who have refused to recognize TWU law degrees seem to be raising different issues than those raised in the Teachers Case. You can read the Nova Scotia Barrister's society Brief of Law here; at paras. 29-31 the Brief states:

"The concern is not to keep Evangelical Christians out of the profession in this Province. Instead, the goal is to ensure that LGB persons, as a historically disadvantaged minority, do not experience unnecessary barriers to entry, and are not made unwelcome in the legal and judicial professions in Nova Scotia. The Society cannot approve the de facto reservation of all of the spaces in one of only 19 common law schools in Canada exclusively for heterosexual persons...The Society's concern is not with the beliefs of its members, but with the diversity of the profession...
"...The BC Teachers case was argued largely on the basis that teachers trained at TWU would not be qualified to teach in the public school system because of the risks of discriminatory conduct flowing from their belief that same-sex sexual acts are "sinful", "an abomination", and "contrary to nature".
"This is not the basis for the Society's refusal to recognize TWU's law degree. The Society's refusal is based on its need to act in the public interest by promoting diversity in the profession."
Whether this will fly, I don't know, but again, we see here a different argument, and a different context, than what was before the Court in 2001.

That's not to say, however, that the Teachers Case won't carry the day for TWU. It may. And even with the changes I've mentioned, it would still be open to the Courts to say that the Law Societies in this case don't have the jurisdiction or the statutory mandate to consider these issues. Or that the decisions weren't made in the right fashion or for the right reasons.

TWU could exempt law students from its Covenant, but I don't see how it can do that without either turning its back on its religious doctrine or without alienating its backers and donors. It seems unlikely at this point (considering B.C.'s experience) that the Law Societies will back down in the face of their membership, either.  Ultimately, it will probably fall to the Supreme Court of Canada to (again) rule on this still-controversial issue.